That Lady on the Money

In the 112 years since the Proclamation of the Republic,
Brazil has had scores of new economic plans and currencies.
Throughout all the changes, however, something has remained
untouched: the face of the Virgin Mary printed on the paper currency.

Luis Fernando Oliveira

On January 6^th, 1984 my uncle Fábio gave me an economy lesson. It was my birthday and for a present I got two notes. One was a 100 cruzeiros note with a male (Duke of Caxias, 1802-1880) printed on it and the other was a Cr$ 200 note with a female (Princess Isabel, 1846-1921) printed on it.

As far as I knew, the two notes together were simply good to buy an ice cream down the street, but for uncle Fábio they represented the principle by which money could reproduce. Interesting enough, I never questioned about the personalities printed on the money, I only wondered about the options I had for the female figure, and for this, my uncle mentioned the emblem of the republic, but he said she was not an option for reproduction purposes, giving no further explanation, as if he did not know it himself.

Eighteen years later the Brazilian currency has changed five times. From the many faces and images printed on the currency, only one has remained over time, the emblem of the republic. Additionally, it is the only face printed on the new currency called real, introduced in 1994. Thus, my uncle's economy lesson no longer functions, because there are no males, and besides the emblem does not serve the reproduction purpose as he said then in 1984!

In view of that, I finally begin to comprehend the emblem of the republic, and its pureness. From here, this essay departs, questioning how the image of the Virgin Mary got to become the symbol of a nation, surviving through every governmental failure since the proclamation of the republic and now, being used to encourage nationalism, passing from hand to hand all through Brazil on "print-language" or printed currency (Anderson, 1983).

In order to explain the emblem's advent and usage throughout time, I will discuss the emergence of nations and nationalism as a contemporary phenomenon in relation to an economical reality that is based upon Gellner's discussion on nationalism alongside the "imagined communities" and "invented traditions" by Anderson and Hobsbawm. Consecutively, I want to relate historical facts to the usage of the emblem, and how it ultimately represents the return to a traditional and yet innovative Brazil entering the new millennium.

Nationalism as a modern phenomenon

According to modernist scholars such as Gellner, Hobsbawm and Anderson, nationalism is a product of modernization that has no "deep roots in the human psyche" (Gellner, 1983) but is at its roots a result of improved means of communication and contact between previously fragmented groups of people.

Following industrialization, radical changes in the culture of Western World occurred. Absolutist political systems were replaced by central governments, standardized languages, access to the printing press and the establishment of standardized educational systems made people start to perceive themselves as belonging to larger communities, what Anderson calls "imagined communities" (Anderson, 1983).

With the contribution of "intellectuals", the notion of the 'nation' as the true basis for the state was cultivated for the citizens of the emerging nation-states through the new modes of communication. Nationalism became the legitimate "binding force" (Thiesse, 1999) that helped sustain the political and economic systems of the eighteenth and nineteenth century; it became "... a principle which holds that the political and national unit should be congruent" (Gellner in Hobsbawm). Invoking nationalist sentiments was a convenient way of uniting previously fragmented societies, and also simply necessary in the building of a coherent capitalist economy. Being a homogenous nation-state with a stable government and stable fiscal policies was "essentially economic" (Molinari in Hobsbawm).

In the modernist view therefore, nations and nationalism did not evolve directly from pre-existing cultures. Nationalism in the Western world is essentially a recent invention. However, nationalist artifacts, myths and territorial ties stemming from the pre-nationalist world may be used in the fabrication of nationalism, but it does not arise of them.

Hobsbawm, Anderson and Gellner agree that nationalism could only emerge as a consequence of the presence of certain social conditions significant to modern society: "homogeneity, literacy, anonymity." (Gellner, 1983). Acquiring the ability to reproduce people's awareness of themselves as a community is key; "standard national languages, spoken or written, cannot emerge as such before printing, mass literacy and hence, mass schooling" (Hobsbawm).

Nationalism is a reaction to change and a movement that signals economic and political change in the structure of society; it is an "external adjustment in the relationship between polity and culture" (Gellner, 1983). Because of the structure of modern society, with the state as the political unit, it is bound to become nationalist. But the nation in itself cannot and will not survive without its "political shell", which is the state (Gellner, 1983).

Nation Identity Is Born

The proclamation of the Brazilian republic marks a new beginning for the nation. The availability of printing press, and other forms of mass communication as pointed above, provided the means by which the new state did and does foster a national identity that is vital for the existence of the state and the nation as a homogenous entity.

Whilst most colonies in the New World declared their independence as new republics, Brazil became an independent monarchy that lasted for part of the nineteenth century, until November 15^th, 1889, when Marshall Deodoro da Fonseca (1827-1892) declared the Brazilian republic. Don Pedro II, the ruling king, was forced to leave the throne, and forget any hopes of maintaining the monarchy. Yet, according to some international examiners and neighboring nations, "confidence in the future of Brazil" as a new republic "was based upon its respect for the former monarchy" (Freyre, 1970). This was also accompanied by the rise of the military that became highly praised for its influence on the peaceful transference from monarchy to republic. They emerged as "non-partisan in the nation's affair" (Freyre 1970).

With the monarchy in charge, the Catholic Church had no difficulties in spreading its belief. However, during the period of transition between monarchy and republic, the Brazilian Positivist Church became aware that in order to survive under the new system, it would have to change and adapt to it. So as it may be, they began a mass propaganda based on the "appeal to the Marian cult" (Freyre, 1970) that turned out to be also useful for the new republicans.

Consequently, the symbol of the new republic came to be the one of a "Perfect Woman" based upon the idea that "the children of fervent idolaters of the Virgin" should "respond with strongest sympathy" to a religion, which would "establish the cult of the woman and proclaim the supremacy of love" within the nation and its citizen (Freyre, 1970).

This is an example of what Hobsbawm (1983) writes about as the "invention of tradition." He argues that it "occurs more frequently when a rapid transformation of society weakens or destroys the social pattern for which old tradition had been design, producing new ones…" In the case of Brazil, there is the change from monarchy to republic. The church and the state although separated, set the symbol for the new nation that embodies old religious traditions with modern "invented traditions." It pleases both sides of the spectrum.

Nevertheless, the republic could not sustain itself without fostering its existence as a nation. Quickly intellectuals started to promote "the republican mystique" and "its identification with the concept of the Perfect Woman." Verses titled "The Republic" written by Junior, Mallet, and Filho—republican intellectuals who, during the early republic, opposed the leadership of Floriano Peixoto—"exalted the republic in the image of the blessed Virgin" (Freyre, 1970).

Mother-protector of peoples

…in her ruby lips…

The pure nectar of the heavens,

Mother-protector of peoples,

Beautiful daughter of God.

Statue fashioned of bronze

That repulsed Louis XI

Embrace and kiss Saint-Just;

Lady of seductive glance,

In whose benevolent shadow,

Flourish the lily and the rose.

Later, in a crescendo of mystical exaltation of the feminine image of the ideal republic:

She—the constant victim

Of hatred and perversion

Has for the sad—a smile,

Has for the blind—a light.

Ever grand, gracious, and good,

She suffers, suffers but pardons

The Judases, as did Jesus.

She too was betrayed,

She too was sold,

She too has her Calvary, her Cross.

…tone of fervent mysticism

Let us in our hearts

Build an altar to this goddess,

With our gift of reason

Make secure her throne.

When from the heights of mountains

The guiding light sparkles

On the pure spring water

May we in the public square

Shout: Long live the republic

In the land of the Blessed Cross!

In spite of the mass propaganda spread during the early days of the republic, the emblem did not seem to reach the masses as intellectuals assumed it would. The problem was that the new Brazilian government based their concepts of how to run the country on the past monarchy. In addition, the size of the country, and difficulties of access due to extensive areas covered by the Brazilian tropical forest, prevented the government from spreading its ideas the way it had planned.

Assorted Currencies

By 1942 there were around 56 different types of money circulating in Brazil. In order to standardize the money used in the nation, the government finally instituted the first change in the monetary scheme of the country. The old réis was replaced by the cruzeiro. This was only possible because modernization was finally reaching different regions of the nation.

Despite this, little had changed in the mentality of the Brazilian republic. A clear example of this could be observed on the new currency named cruzeiro. Printed in the USA, the notes displayed notables such as old monarchs and recent politicians. The money looked almost like an American dollar. The text printed on the note read, República dos Estados Unidos do Brasil (Republic of the United States of Brazil). On the front there was the image of Dom Pedro II, last king of the Brazilian kingdom. The emblem of the Brazilian republic was used on the back of the note.

Observing the juxtaposition of the two figures, the dominant is obviously the monarch. The emblem is on the back, as if there is a relationship between the two. However, the only link between the two is that the monarch had to step down in order for the other—the republic—to step in. Dom Pedro II was forced to give up his throne so the republic could be established.

The presence of both identities on the same note demonstrates what was previously perceived by other nations at the time of the transition: the Brazilian republic would respect the monarchy way. Hence, the emblem of the republic existed merely as an intellectual ideal distant from the real achievements people expected from it.

In 1967, because of the cruzeiro devaluation, the government introduced the cruzeiro novo (new cruzeiro _ 1 cruzeiro novo was worth 1000 cruzeiros). The new currency lasted until 1970, when once again, due to unbridled inflation, the Central Bank of Brazil had to change the currency back to cruzeiro. This is a time of great importance for the Brazilian republic as a whole, because of an intensifying nationalistic movement.

It is important to remark that 12 years before the cruzeiro was substituted by the cruzeiro novo, Juscelino Kubitschek—popularly elected President of Brazil governed from 1955 to 1960—had assumed the power under the watchful eye of the military, on October 3^rd, 1955.

During his presidency, JK, as he was called, decided to move the capital of Brazil (Rio de Janeiro) away from the Atlantic coast and proceeded to build Brasília, the new capital. In 1960, still during Kubitschek's tenure, the seat of government was finally transferred to Brasília. It was a very concrete symbol of the growing nationalistic movement. The capital was built in the interior of the country forcing people to look inward and realize Brazilian's "untapped potential."

Brasília intended "to break the 'colonial' mentality of the Brazilian people and to reduce their traditional dependence upon the world overseas" and the monarchy (Bello, 1966).

This was followed by gradual changes in the habits of the Brazilian people and the mentality of the government. The emblem of the republic finally got to be printed on the front of the Cr$1 note, which circulated from 1970 to 1984. The emblem exalted the republic whilst holding on to the holy image of the Virgin.

Nevertheless, despite all changes, and the desire for a better republic—free of the ghosts left by the monarchy—the problems continued. "Economic progress was both uncertain and disorganized" (Bello), chronic ups and downs of the economy and an absurd level of government corruption led the military to take charge after a coup, on March 31, 1964.

For years the military had closely watched every Brazilian government, always maintaining some form of control, because there was a failure of representative democracy. Since the instauration of the republic until recently, the alternative has tended to be either military rule or anarchy. The generals' hope was to keep the order, but they rarely succeeded. As a result, in the late sixties and early seventies, the military openly oppressed people by the use of direct force.

From a certain perspective, this oppression had its virtuous outcome, because it made people more aware of their own situation. It questioned the main factor that perpetuated over the history of Brazil, the acceptance of change, which facilitated "the continuation of practices that are contrary" (Fausto) to the principle of real changes.

When Brazil declared its independence, there was no conflict, it was a peaceful transition. When the country became a republic once again there was a peaceful transition. There was never resistance or some form of struggle against the government tyranny. This shows why even after several changes in the nation, problems that were present at the time of the monarchy remained the same: corruption, poverty, and high illiteracy.

Even though people started to be more active, it was still visible in the year of 1986 that more radical changes had to occur in order for Brazil to move away from its haunting past. The military peacefully stepped down, allowing an elected president to take office. Tancredo Neves the new president-elect, days before his inauguration. Vice-President José Sarney went on to become the new President and quickly attacked the increasing inflation with the Cruzado plan. A new currency was created, the cruzado, which was worth 1000 cruzeiros. But the government corruption remained the same, and the plan was not able to end the sad state of affairs. A combination of economic stagnation and inflation, the so-called stagflation, became the order of the day.

The framework promoted by the positivist motto Order and Progress, at the beginning of the republic, was still far from the reality of the nation in the 1980's. Yet, there were those who believed in the nation, and wanted to find a solution. In 1989, President Sarney introduced again a new currency named cruzado novo and again three zeros were cut out (1000 cruzados equal 1 cruzado novo).

The emblem of the Brazilian republic was printed on the NCz$ 200 note's front this time. On the back, a family was depicted embroidering the national flag. This was the first time, the emblem was linked with a more universal idea shared by the Brazilian people: the family. It symbolized how everyone had finally the possibility to be involved in the 'progress and order' of the republic.

Yet, there was a "generalized feeling of disillusion and mistrust" in the government and the economy that haunted the Brazilian people following the changes of 1989. In 1990, still another currency was introduced and the cruzado novo became overnight cruzeiro again. And it didn't stop there. 1993 saw the cruzeiro metamorphosing into cruzeiro real. The most recent change is still an eight-year child. Born in 1994, one real was initially worth a little over one dollar, but today if fell to less than 40 cents.

The most interesting factor of this shift is that for the first time, the printed currency carried no historical personalities, but only the emblem of the Brazilian republic, presented as a sculpture. The emblem is repeated from note to note, which have on the back different drawings of the rich Brazilian fauna and flora.

President Fernando Henrique Cardoso has brought new hope to the Brazilian people with his economical plan—the Real Plan, naturally. His admnistration has been forcefully attacking corruption and people increasingly have a say on the future of the nation.

The real note shows a new Brazil that is still the old Brazil, always under the boson of the Virgin. Nobody stands above the republic. The nation is the sanctuary of a rich fauna for which Brazilians should be thankful. And even though the emblem is the image of a white woman, it is seen as something of ambiguous human nature. Barthes (1973) says that "the ethnic reality" is often "reduced to a vast classical ballet" that is made of "typology…to mask the real spectacle of conditions, classes, and professions."

Indeed, the emblem may be used to cover the oppressed, by placing all under the same nation, which is also what Anderson argued about "imagined communities" that people imagined to live under the same nation with a spirit of comradeship, where no classes or racial differences exist. Nonetheless, it does not take away the merit of the emblem of the republic in finally becoming what it was intend to be at the proclamation of the Brazilian republic.

The republic's emblem conveys the idea of incessant innovation while maintaining the ideal of the beginning of the republic: order and progress. It symbolizes not only the traditional principle upon which the republic was declared, but also the innovative manner in which it is presently used. The image of the 'Perfect Woman,' finally found its way from the Catholic cradle to the altar of the nation known as Brazil. She is the absolute mediator "between heaven and earth, for in her glorified body she belongs in both realms" (Warner, 1985).

Bibliography

Anderson, B. Imagined Communities. Verso Editions and NLB. (London, 1983)

Brett, R. L. Imaging the Community from subject to citizen, state to nation? Master Philosophy Thesis, University of Kent at Canterbury (Canterbury, 1997)

Barthes, R. Mythologies. Granada Publishing (Great Britain, 1973)

Bello, J. M. A History of Modern Brazil, 1889-1964. Stanford University Press. (Stanford, 1966)

Fausto, B. A Concise History of Brazil. Cambridge University Press. (Cambridge, 1999)

Freyre, G. Order and Progress, Brazil from Monarchy to Republic. Alfred A. Knopf, Inc. (New York, 1970)

Gellner, E. Nation and Nationalism. Blackwell. (Oxford, 1988)

Hobsbawn, E. J. Nations and Nationalism Since 1780. University Press. (Cambridge, 1992)

Hobsbawn, E. J. "Introduction: Inventing Traditions" in The Invention of Tradition. Eds. Hobsbawn E. J. and Ranger T. Cambridge University Press. (Cambridge, 1983)

Thiese, A. M. Inventing National Identity. Le Monde Diplomatique. (June, 1999)

Warner, M. Alone of All Her Sex: Myth and the Cult of the Virgin Mary. Pan Books Ltd. (London, 1985)

The author, Luis Fernando Oliveira, has received his BA in Communication from Slippery Rock University, PA. He later moved to Canterbury, England, for his MA in Image Studies at University of Kent. Today, he resides in Copenhagen, Denmark, with his wife. You may contact the author at awezone@hotmail.com

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