Brazil's Stagnant Revolution

The Left born in the São Paulo ABC assumed Brazil's presidency
with a project of power but with no project to utilize it. In these
17 months, we have not seen a new vocabulary arise in Brazil.
Zero Hunger is merely a goal, imported from old programs,
like those of the US and the United Nations for poor countries.

Cristovam Buarque

Lula's election was the greatest step towards Brazilian social revolution since the abolition of slavery and the Proclamation of the Republic.

But, with a third of his term now served, no gesture has yet been made to reorient the social structure and the course of the country. Brazil continues with its aspect of a stagnated revolution. And the reason is to be found in the characteristics of the Workers Party (PT) and in the mentality of the President and his advisers.

The PT was born in the most modern sector of unionism—that of the automotive industry and the government employees—and grew without revolution, thanks to the concentration of wealth, the indebtedness and the deviation of public resources from social services to the infrastructure.

It dedicated itself to channeling these workers' demands, aligning itself to groups of the traditional Left and to the poorer classes. But it did not bring a new utopia to Brazil. This is why the expression "petism" (from PT) has never taken hold.

The PT came to power as a party of demands, without a clear, unifying project to construct the Brazil of the future, as if the future were merely full employment and better salaries.

Because of this, the Lula government has concentrated upon monetary stability and foreign commerce policy, hoping for a "show of growth" that would bring about a Brazil with neither poverty nor inequality. One with social justice. One that was modern and sovereign.

There is no systematic mention of an alternative project, of a possible utopia for the nation. As if the dreaming, irresponsible, and utopian Left of the past had become pragmatic, responsible and imprisoned by short-term goals.

The Left born in the São Paulo industrial belt towns of Santo André, São Bernardo do Campo and São Caetano (ABC) assumed the presidency with a project of power but with no project to utilize it.

One surprising proof of the lack of transforming spirit is the absence of a new vocabulary, characteristic of countries undergoing change, with new banners and proposals.

In these 17 months, we have not seen a new vocabulary arise in Brazil. Fome Zero (Zero Hunger) is merely a goal, imported from old programs, like those of the United States and the United Nations for poor countries.

The Bolsa-Família (Family Coupon), a program of benefits for poor families, was an administration innovation that unified programs created by the former government, but it receded in terms of social transformation when, in practice, it stopped making school attendance a condition for the transfer of wealth.

The government argues that its paralysis was inherited from previous administrations. In truth, there is a profound ideological cause for that paralysis: the mentality, born and bred in union struggles, that limits itself to day-to-day demands. Our leaders have a mentality but they do not have an ideology.

The Left born in the São Paulo industrial belt towns of Santo André, São Bernardo do Campo and São Caetano (ABC) came into the presidency with a project of power but no project to utilize it. Committed to the workers of the automotive industry, the PT is part of a Left that works with the increase of demand, and not with the end of necessities.

In poor countries, the creation of demand calls for income concentration and deviation of public resources to the infrastructure. The social services programs are complementary and, as in rightwing regimes, they are welfare programs. They do not abolish the needs or transform reality.

The government appears perplexed and perceives that, in the global world, the public sector does not influence the dynamic of the economy and cannot satisfy the needs of industry's employed and unemployed. With limited resources, it cannot meet the demands of the state sector employees. All that remains for the poor are the welfare programs.

The nucleus of power in the Workers Party is not inspiring a new project for the country. A project that would combine the pragmatism of short-term financial equilibrium with historic long-term ideology. A project that would "unstagnate" the revolution.

Never has it been so necessary and so possible to change Brazil with a responsible, democratic revolution that would combine economic growth with ecological equilibrium and would bring about a social shock.

This is why President Lula was elected—to unstagnate the revolution, invest in education and in a new type of economic growth, one that would also meet the needs of the masses and not only the demand of the consumers, one that would respect the environment and would not bring future indebtedness.

This is possible; the resources exist. All that is needed is transformative vigor. To carry the plan forward, President Lula and his government need to be awakened and pressured. And the instrument for that is the Workers Party. In spite of its birth as a party of demands, and not one of revolution, no other party is closer to offering the progressive political energy that Brazil needs.

The way to do this is to break the silence. To stop confusing the party, which has an obligation to history, with the government, a captive of the administration. Silence in exchange for comradeship is an historical betrayal.

In its place it is necessary to install a critical loyalty, to mobilize the base of the PT nation so that it awakens the cupola of the PT "State." If this does not happen, all that will be left for us to do is to root that other parties, perhaps even the conservatives, might understand the need to redirect the history of Brazil, to unstagnate its revolution. Not merely to administer it, but to change it.

Cristovam Buarque - cristovam@senador.gov.br-, 60, has a Ph.D. in economics. He is a PT senator for the Federal District and was Governor of the Federal District (1995-98) and Minister of Education (2003-04).

Translated by Linda Jerome - LinJerome@cs.com.